Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues, Updated with a New Preface PDF

Rating: (18 reviews) Author: Paul Farmer ISBN : 9780520229136 New from $16.99 Format: PDF

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Paul Farmer has battled AIDS in rural Haiti and deadly strains of drug-resistant tuberculosis in the slums of Peru. A physician-anthropologist with more than fifteen years in the field, Farmer writes from the front lines of the war against these modern plagues and shows why, even more than those of history, they target the poor. This "peculiarly modern inequality" that permeates AIDS, TB, malaria, and typhoid in the modern world, and that feeds emerging (or re-emerging) infectious diseases such as Ebola and cholera, is laid bare in Farmer's harrowing stories of sickness and suffering.

Challenging the accepted methodologies of epidemiology and international health, he points out that most current explanatory strategies, from "cost-effectiveness" to patient "noncompliance," inevitably lead to blaming the victims. In reality, larger forces, global as well as local, determine why some people are sick and others are shielded from risk. Yet this moving account is far from a hopeless inventory of insoluble problems. Farmer writes of what can be done in the face of seemingly overwhelming odds, by physicians determined to treat those in need. Infections and Inequalities weds meticulous scholarship with a passion for solutions—remedies for the plagues of the poor and the social maladies that have sustained them.

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• Paperback: 419 pages
• Publisher: University of California Press; Updated edition (February 23, 2001)
• Language: English
• ISBN-10: 0520229134
• ISBN-13: 978-0520229136
• Product Dimensions: 1 x 6 x 8.7 inches
• Shipping Weight: 1.4 pounds (View shipping rates and policies)

Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues, Updated with a New Preface PDF

Farmer, a physician-anthropologist and activist, examines both the way that poverty and inequality result in the spread of HIV and TB today and the flawed justifications for inequitable access to treatment. His ethnographic analysis provides a powerful complement to standard epidemiological work, and this treatise on the danger as well as the immorality of inequity in medical care is largely convincing.

Farmer illustrates several broad themes effectively with case studies from Haiti and Peru. One is the idea that most studies overemphasize individual agency, failing to recognize serious "structural" factors, such as the pressure that extreme poverty exerts on people to engage in unhealthy behaviors and the problems introduced by economic inequality. (One example of the latter is that in unequal countries like Peru, second-line TB drugs are available because of demand by the rich, so doctors also prescribe them to the poor who can only afford them intermittently, which generates drug-resistant strains of the disease.) Another theme is that people in rich nations tend to place heavy weight on "strange" cultural beliefs and customs in explaining high disease prevalence, whereas actual epidemiological research tends to show that these factors carry little weight relative to poverty-related factors. While he uses AIDS in Haiti to illustrate this tendency, it applies perfectly to popular Western conceptions of AIDS in Africa: the popular media tend to emphasize cultural practices such as wife inheritance and a strong sex drive, whereas epidemiological research fails to support a major role for these.

A third theme, which Farmer often trumpets but not as convincingly, is that many of the trade-offs voiced by policymakers are ultimately false.

The context of epidemics is important. What happens to the poor people who have drug resistant tuberculosis? Market mechanisms do not serve the interest of global health equity. The cost-efectiveness argument is weak. Poverty limits freedom of choice. AIDS education falls short. Arguments about limited resources should not prevail. There is a global web of unequal relationships. Structural violence and cultural difference have been conflated in AIDS studies.

Anthropology and medicine have blind spots. Virchow understood medicine had biologic and social underpinnings. There is not enough high-tech medicine to go around. Inequality itself is a pathogenic force. The author's interpretation of modern plagues has been shaped by work in Haiti and Peru. As scientific and medical communities tried to make sense of AIDS, the author was drawn into the discipline of the sociology of knowledge. World systems theory, one of the newer anthropological theories, could posit that Paul Farmer of Harvard and Haiti is a conduit for resources.

In many instances of disease emergence, social topography is more important than geographic topography. The differential political economy of risk is described. The major risk factor for AIDS is poverty. Personal agency has been exaggerated. From typhoid to tuberculosis to AIDS, blaming the victim is a theme in the literature. Being sick results from structural violence, not from bad personal choices. The author lived in a village in rural Haiti when both AIDS and political violence arrived. Haitian cases of AIDS defied the risk-grouping descriptions prevalent in the 1980's. The Haitian epidemic of AIDS originated in the United States.

Recent circumstances in Haiti include deepening poverty, gender inequality, instability.